by Valerie Lacarte, PhD
We are just 5 weeks away from the election and there is still uncertainty about the direction of the Latino vote. This voting bloc is far from homogenous with Republican-leaning Cubans, Democratic-leaning Mexicans, the generational divide, and the growing call to fight anti-Blackness. A low Latinx turnout could facilitate the re-election of Donald Trump who has disparaged people of color and immigrants throughout his presidency.
Democrats should scratch beneath the surface and pay attention to a small but relevant group: Black Latin Americans and Afro-Latinos. Addressing their top concerns – affordable healthcare, police brutality, systemic racism and the criminalization of immigrants - means involving most of the Democratic party: Black and Latinx voters.
Being Afro-Latinx in the US: Facing Anti-Blackness on All Fronts.
Not all Black People from Latin America count as Afro-Latinx in the US. There are varying definitions of Afro-Latinx and the term itself is an issue of debate. A broad definition of Latin America includes all countries where a romance language is spoken (French, Spanish, Portuguese). But the Hispanic/Latino definition in US statistics is specific: it designates people with origins from Spanish-speaking countries. To identify as Afro-Latinx on the Census questionnaire, one must check two boxes: the Hispanic/Latino ethnicity and the Black/African-American race.
There are 2,174,899 people who identify as Afro-Latinx in the US. The large majority are US citizens by birth: 69% are born in continental US and 5% in Puerto Rico. The others are foreign-born with many coming from the Dominican Republic (see the number of Afro-Dominican and Cuban immigrants in Part 1 of this blog series).
Figure 1. Afro-Latinx Population Living in the US by Place of Birth, 2014-2018
Afro-Latinx Activism : Stepping up to the Plate
Though the number of Afro-Latinx born in Puerto Rico is relatively small, their influence is notable: 16% of the Afro-Latinx born in continental US claim Puerto Rican ancestry. Culturally and socially, Afro-Puerto Ricans have been consequential since the 1960s’ Young Lords movement when they stood up against White supremacy and led community actions for the self-determination of oppressed people.
The Afro-Latinx movement continues to be strong and celebrities are leveraging their influence to draw attention to the presidential election. Carmelo Anthony, an NBA player and son of a Young Lord, uses his YouTube series “What’s in Your Glass?” to discuss racism, police brutality and politics with big names like Snoop Dogg and Killer Mike.
Rosario Dawson, an actress who happens to be the partner of Senator Cory Booker, co-founded Voto Latino, which educates young Latinos about politics. More recently, Cardi B – a rapper with millions of followers – raised important issues such as voter suppression and police brutality in her live conversations with Bernie Sanders and Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden.
The Afro-Latinx voting group is uniquely positioned to talk about racism since they often face discrimination and are invisibilized within the broader Latinx community. With 1 in 3 Black men facing the possibility of incarceration – compared to 1 in 17 White men –Afro-Latinos are actively engaged in the Black Lives Matter movement, recognizing that they are just as likely to be presumed guilty and harassed by the police.
The majority of Black Immigrants from Continental Latin America come from Guyana, Central America and Mexico.
Continental Latin America includes all countries from Mexico, Central America and South America, but it excludes the Caribbean. There are close to 409,000 Black immigrants born in continental Latin America who live in the US. A third of them are from Guyana – a South American country that is culturally and politically close to the Caribbean.
Very few Black people from non-Spanish speaking countries self-identify as Latinx in the US. For example, of the 29,022 Black Belizean immigrants in Table 1, only 873 claimed to be Latinx. This is a testament to the cultural diversity of Latin America where non-Spanish speaking Afro-descendants - like the Creoles and the Garifuna People – have a long-established presence.
While Afro-Mexicans are still fighting for recognition in their own country, they are the second largest group of Black Latin American immigrants. This is not surprising because Mexicans are the largest foreign-born population in the US.
Table 1. Number of Black Latin American Immigrants living in the US, 2014-2018
Not everyone has the opportunity to migrate. For example, the largest Black population in Latin America is in Brazil, yet they only make up 5% of all Black Latin American immigrants in the US. Whereas Black Belizeans who come from the country with the smallest population in continental Latin America are over-represented. They rank 4th as a proportion of all Black Latin American immigrants. In fact, together, Central Americans make up most of Black Latin American immigrants: the majority come from Panama, Belize and Honduras.
Black Latin American Immigrants are Spread out Across the US. Many families fled Latin America because of state violence and criminality.
Half of Black Latin American immigrants live between New York, Florida and California. Other states where their numbers are important are Massachusetts (7%) and New Jersey (6%). About 59% of Black Latin American immigrants are naturalized US citizens.
Some push factors out of the region include the 1980s civil wars in Central America, political instability, criminality and natural disasters. Central Americans have suffered from the spillover effects of the drug wars in Mexico and Colombia, resulting in an intensification of gang activity and the use of violence to terrorize entire communities.
In recent years thousands of families and unaccompanied children have sought refuge in the US. Special immigration programs have afforded them protections, such as Temporary Protection Status, the Central American Minors Refugees program and the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA).
Figure 2. State of Residence of Black Latin American Immigrants, 2014-2018
Over a quarter of Black Latin American Immigrants do not have a High School Degree. Black Women are generally more educated than Black men.
One issue is the gap in education between Black Latin American immigrants and the US born Black population - or African Americans. Black Latin American immigrants lack formal training: 28% of the men do not have a High School diploma. In contrast, only 16% of African American men are in that same situation. A similar trend exists between women from these respective groups.
In general, Black Women tend to be more educated than men. Close to 23% of African American women have at least a bachelor’s degree compared to 16% of African American men. Likewise, 20% of Black Latin American immigrant women have a university degree compared to 18% of their male counterpart.
Figure 3. Highest Degree Obtained by Black Latin American Immigrants and African Americans, by Gender, 2014-2018
Despite lower educational outcomes, Black Latin American Immigrants earn more and have lower unemployment rates than African Americans.
The median annual earnings of full-time year-round workers are fairly close between African Americans and Black Latin American immigrants. Still, within genders, Black Latin American immigrants earn more.
Figure 4. Earnings of Black Latin American Immigrant and African American Workers, by Gender, 2014-2018
Despite having lower educational attainment, Black Latin American immigrant unemployment rates are much lower than for African Americans. The difference is significant for men: about 12% of African American men are unemployed compared to only 5% of Black Latin American immigrant men.
Figure 5. Unemployed Black Latin American Immigrants and African Americans, by Gender, 2014-2018
A higher percentage of Black Latin American Immigrants are married or living with a spouse and they are less likely to live in poverty than African Americans.
About 21% of African Americans live in poverty, or 6 percentage points higher than for Black Latin American immigrants. In fact, family dynamics in Black Latin American immigrant households are quite different. Only 29% of African American households are headed by a couple compared to 52% of Black Latin American immigrant families.
Black Latin American immigrants are more likely to live with at least 3 generations of the same family, i.e. grandparents, parents and child. Family members can be a source of support by providing financial and in-kind contributions in time of need, like grandparents providing free childcare for their grandchildren.
Figure 6. Poverty and Family Structure of Black Latin American Immigrants and African Americans, 2014-2018
With larger families where marriage is more common, the household income of Black Latin American immigrants is 25% higher than for African American families. This $13,000 difference means that Black Latin American immigrant households are slightly more secure in the advent of a negative shock.
Figure 7. Household Income of Black Latin American Immigrants and African Americans, 2014-2018
Conclusion: Poverty, combined with an oppressive criminal justice system and repressive immigration enforcement weaken the Black community.
Black men – whether born in the US or abroad - face a much higher probability of being arrested based on their race. However, those with greater financial means will likely be released if they can afford the median bail amount of $10,000 . According to the Prison Policy Initiative, 74% of people in the prison system have not been sentenced: they are sitting in jail simply because they are too poor to post bail. With 40% of the prison population being Black men and women, it is clear that the double negative impact of racism and poverty tears Black families and entire communities apart.
A unique concern of Afro-Latinos is the fear of being criminalized for being, looking or sounding like immigrants. Aggressive immigration enforcement practices that separate families have stoked fear in the Latinx community, with a growing number of immigrants being detained for excessively long periods for minor violations. This puts Afro-Latinx families at risk, especially those from Central America who deal with the presumption of being undocumented.
Black and Brown people are being criminalized because of their skin color, their lack of resources and/or their immigration status. Afro-Latinos and Black Latin American immigrants know this reality very well. These are the issues Democrats need to talk about if they want to turn out the vote on November 3rd.
Data, Methodology and Definitions: Dr. Lacarte conducted analysis using microdata from the American Community Survey 2014-2018 5-year sample by IPMUS (publicly available for download). At the exception of Table 1 and Figures 1 and 2, all data refers to immigrants who came to the US as adults.
The definition of Black includes anyone who self-identified as Black - alone, or in combination with another race, in the 2014-2018 ACS.
About the author: Dr. Valerie Lacarte received her PhD in economics from American University, Washington, DC. She has expertise in quantitative and qualitative research, international development, labor, immigration and the intersectionality of gender and race/ethnicity.
For questions on the data analysis or for references, contact info@sudecc.com
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